For Additional works attributed to the translator and modern author, known more generally as Jean de La Montagne, and whether this was the same person also known as Dr. Johannes LaMontane of New Netherland, as well as a deeper, broader discussion about all his printed works, and what they say about the man, Click HERE.

The first printing (1610), the author, and some background.

The French translation of de La Montagne

To this point, regarding these four brief pieces found in the front matter of the 1633 French edition, the first of these appears to be from the author to the reader wherein he gave his initials, “I.D.L.M.”,⁸ supposedly representing the author’s name, “Iean de la Montagne”. The second statement, an “advertissement”, or a warning to the reader, again appears to have been a message from the author, but was left unsigned and uninitialed. The third statement has the initials “I.L.M.”⁹ attached to it, and though these initials likewise could fairly well represent the author’s name, it does not appear to have been written by him, but perhaps was a contribution by yet a third individual. Regarding the fourth statement, this one addressed to “Babylon”, it has attached to it the initials “I.M.D.L.”,¹⁰ which matches well the name “Iean-Maximillien de Langle”. However, though unlikely, these same initials could be used to abbreviate the name “Iean Mousnier de la Montagne”. Add to this the fact that both of these individuals, LaMontagne and De Langle, have been known to represent their names using varying sets of initials on separate occasions, makes matters somewhat confusing. With that said, whether these initials attached to the front-matter statements represent “Jean-Maimilian de Langle”, or Jean Mousnier de La Montagne”, or other individuals, this for now will be left for others to decide. Here below are the front matter statements in question crudely translated from French into English.

Mention of the author, “Jean de La Montagne”, from sources beyond the covers and binding…

Beyond the limits of his own published writings, there is little contemporaneous mention of the minor author and translator known as “Jean de La Montagne”, and with regards to this particular translation, we find only a handful of third-party references. One of these is a book in French published in 1694 titled, Histoire de la Papesse Jeanne Fidelement Tir e’e de la Dissertation Latine, by Monsieur de [Friedrich] Spanheim (1632-1701), “Premier Professeur en l’Universite de Leyde”. Other than this small mention we find little else with regard to this French translation of Pope Joan.

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What clues are contained in the correspondence of de Langle to Rivet…

Snippets of the correspondence are given below—a full transcriptions of the correspondence, and great background on Jean-Maximilian de Langle, Sieur de Baux, can be found HERE.¹¹¹²

Assuming Jean Mousnier de La Montagne was the author of this work…

In the front matter of this book is a warning from the author to the reader stating that his translation was taken from the Latin edition of this work (pub. 1616? and 1619), and not that of the English, and because of such “the pages of which do not always relate to the Figures of this French Edition.” And assuming that Jean Mousnier de La Montagne was the translator of this book, then it is natural to assume that he likely did his translating during his spare time while at the Island of Tobago, and at other locations during his three year stay in that part of the world from 1629-1632.

Conclusion: And so the debate continues…

The debate surrounding Pope Joane had been just a small skirmish in a lesser battle among great campaigns wherein many polemic subjects were waged out in publication and on the fields of battle throughout Europe. Here the the larger argument behind this particular debate, and others put forth by these same authors, as well as many others of the day, centered around the Papal Primacy, mostly divided along Protestant and Roman Catholic lines. However, this rigid demarcation was not always followed, and arguments and their larger disputes often crossed and spanned philological boundaries. These boundaries also cross spiritual and temporal lines that skirt religion, great legal questions, and scientific advancements. During this period of history, when many a weighted subject was first seriously and openly discussed, some of no less importance than the rights of nations, and open access to the high seas, individual freedoms of conscience, of expression, and equality before the law wherein any and all hold right to be judged on par with any great lord or king, and that rulers derive their right to rule not from God, but from the consent of the governed. Subjects once only whispered were only now beginning to be openly discussed. So too did facts and truths like rays of light begin to see the separation expanded between mysticism and the pseudo-science of alchemy, astrology, and the like, from those explained and advanced through true scientific methodology. In all this LaMontagne had a great interest, and much of his own contributions towards the advancement of human civilization can be seen in his writings and the works he chose to translate. With this expanding interest in true science, the Seventeenth Century ushered in great advancement in thought and concept, if not in practice and reform, that would set the foundations and inspire the ideas put into practice by our own acclaimed American founding fathers. Yet through all this apparent advancement one could surely envision some fut ure historian 1000 years hence, looking back on our own time seeing little gap or break in the debates with those of this earlier time wherein the debate between the academics and the pseudo-scientist were supported and upheld by those of strong faith. For even in our modern times there remain those who, willing to for sake the advancement of worldly knowledge, still look for scientific answers in holy scripture and mystical writings.

For a glimpse into such leanings and beliefs that LaMontagne may have held, so far as can be gleaned through his published works, please return to the Main Page.

Additional Reading

Great PDF that well explains the fault behind the case published in the book by Alexander Cooke: The Female Pope, A Mutilated Manuscript, and Some Bibliographical Puzzles, by William Poole, “Fellow Librarian”.

Great read on the legends of Pope Joan… From website, “Critical Observer of Religions, the Origin of Popess Joan Legend.

World History Encyclopedia, Pope Joan.

Sources & Notes

1. David Blondel (1591-1655). There are two registration records for the Blondel at Leiden University. The first occasion was in June 1619, five months before LaMontagne’s first registration at that same University. The second registration occurred in Oct. 1622, less than four months prior to LaMontagne’s second registration. Taking this into consideration, it’s likely that Blondel and LaMontagne knew of one another. ↩︎
2. The title of Blondel’s book is De Joanna papissa: sive famosae quaestionis, an foemina ulla inter Leom IV, & Benedictum III, Romanos pontifices, media sederit… , Published by Joannis Blaeu , Amsterdam (1656). ↩︎
3. The Cathedral of Sienna…. Pope Joan’s statue was removed from this cathedral in 1600 by Pope Clement VIII after the story was questioned by French writer Florimond de
   Raemond (1540– 1601), and protest regarding the statue had arisen. ↩︎
4. The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Volume the Fifth, by Edward Gibbon; London. Printed for A. Strahan; and T. Cadell, in the Strand. (1788). SEE Chapter 49, page 154, Footnote number 132. ↩︎
5. ONLINE COPIES: Gallica Copy; Google Copy. According to the following source there is a second French edition by LaMontagne printed at Geneva in 1656. SEE, Histoire de la
   Papesse Jeanne Fidelement Tir e’e de la Dissertation Latine, by Monsieur de [Friedrich] Spanheim (1632-1701), “Premier Professeur en l’Universite de Leyde,”  published at Cologne in 1694. The existence of this elusive Geneva copy was repeated by Edward Gibbon, who could not himself locate a copy, but makes reference to Spanheim’s findings. Spanheim also makes reference to “Jean de la Montagne” and his translation
   of Cooke’s work.. ↩︎
6. Andre Rivet and Jean-Maximillien de Langle were related only by marriage. The second wife of Rivet was the sister of Pierre du Moulen,. Another sister was Esther du Moulen who was married to the pastor of Rouen, René Bochart and it was their daughter Marie who had married Jean-Maximilien de Langle. ↩︎
7. De Langle had attended the Academy of Saumur where it is believe he may have met Jean Mousnier de la Montagne. ↩︎
8. “I.D.L.M.”… Check the other sources for use of these same initials. [Note, both “I.L.M. and “I.D.L.M.” seem as though they can only represent the initials of LaMontagne.] ↩︎
9. “I.L.M.”—these same initials had been used by “LaMontagne” attached to documents while at New Netherland in the employ of the Dutch West India Company. NEED HERE TO PROVIDE THE REFERENCE TO THIS DOCUMENT. [Note, both “I.L.M. and “I.D.L.M.” seem as though they can only represent the initials of LaMontagne.] ↩︎
10. “I.M.D.L.” were the same initials that Jean-Maximilian de Langle had used in his closing salutations to André Rivet in their correspondence. [Check the other sources for use of
    these same initials] ↩︎
11. It doesn’t appear from the letters that Jean-Maximilian de Langle wrote to André Rivet that the latter had any personal knowledge of the author “Jean de la Montagne”. This weighs slightly against the proposition that “Jean Mousnier de la Montagne” was this same person taking into consideration that both Rivet and “Jean Mousnier de la Montagne” both had strong ties to Leiden University. Also note that Andre’s
    brother Guillaume Rivet was a minister at Saint-Jean-d’Angély in the ancient Province of Saintonge. [one of the Rivet brothers mentions both their current wife and their former
    wife’s connection to maison (house of) de la Montaigne of Saintes… near positive from the content of this letter that he was referring to Raemond de la Montaigne, who was the nephew of Michel de Montaigne and a high-official at Saintes, was later made Bishop of Bayonne.] SEE, Correspondance de Jean-Maximilien de Langle, sieur de Baux, pasteur de Rouen présentée et annotée, par Jean Luc Tulot. ↩︎
12. Regarding these two letters that mention the publication of Pope Joan… Why is there five years between them? The first letter was dated the 6th of May, 1633 and the second letter dated July 19th, 1638… could this latter date be a mistake with the actual year of this letter also being 1633. This would seem to make more sense. ↩︎
13. “I will send you a treatise of the Pope Jeane made by Cook, English, brother of the one who does the censorship of the Fathers.” Examining this statement, there has not yet been found who this person was who was censoring “the fathers”. No relation to Cooke has been found to anyone with the power of censorship. This may be referring to William Laud, though no relation to Cooke, did have such power. Laud was appointed Archbishop of Canterbury by Charles I in 1633, and was a key advocate of Charles I’s religious reforms. ↩︎
14. ‘Remons’ and ‘Baronius’ refer to Florimond de Raemond and Caesar Baronius. ↩︎
15. Jean Mousnier de La Montagne, a registrant five times at Leiden University, would have known Professor Daniel Heinsius on some level. ↩︎
16. Claude Saumaise knew well Tousain Muysart who also knew Jean Mousnier de La Montagne, having recommended LaMontagne to Kiliaen van Rensselaer to survey Rensselaerwyck. ↩︎
17. The mention of the author LaMontagne was in “Canterburia”, or Canterbury, is the primary counter to the theory that Jean Mousnier de La Montagne was the author of “Pope Joan” and other works. The best answer to this would be that “Canterburia” was code for either Pierre du Moulin, who was appointed  prebendary at Canterbury Cathedral in 1615, or David Primrose, who likewise had a connection to Canterbury Cathedral. Primrose who, like LaMontagne, was born in the Province of Saintogne and likewise had attended Leiden University, was also a minister at Rouen along with Jean-Maximilian de Langle. ↩︎

Introduction

All of the works listed below are known to have been either authored or translated by a person identified in each of these volumes, as well as in the contemporaneous correspondence of Jean-Maximillean de Langle, as an individual by the name of “Jean de La Montagne”. This person is of no doubt a Frenchman who lived in the Dutch world, and though he was not comfortable translating his own original writings from French into Dutch, he was at ease in translating English works into his native French. However, some caution needs to be observed here for the case is not closed, as there are other possible suspects, such as the Jean de La Montagne, a contemporary who taught Latin at Amsterdam and the Hague. This person also gave a tribute to the Statds Holder very similar to one mentioned in the correspondence of de Langle. We therefore hope that the following will be a starting point in trying to identify this translator and author. We welcome all comments and questions!

Timeline of publications, including multiple editions, sources, and notes

DATE: 1640 TITLE: Recherches Curieuses Sur la Diversite des Langues et Religions, par toutes les principales parties du Monde. PUBLISHER: A Paris, Chez Olivier de Varennes, rue S. Iacques au Vase d’Or. M.DC XL Avec Privilege du Roy. AUTHOR: Par Ed. Brerevvood, Professeur a Londres. Et mises en Francois par I. de la Montagne. ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy. PLEASE go to comments on Recherches Curieuses Sur la Diversite des Langues et Religions,… where you will also find additional information on this work.

1640, Feb 1—In a letter of J-M de Langle to Andre Rivet it was given, “Monsieur de La Montagne has had his book on languages ​​printed in Paris, which he dedicates, he tells me, to His Highness of Orange. You can surely guess to what end. I beg you, if it can be done there, to procure him some reward. He is a man in need, and one of my friends, a very honest man, and capable of some honest position, if one should arise from there.”

1641, May 31—In letter of J-M de Langle to Andre Rivet it was given, “I thank you for the goodwill you show to Monsieur de La Montagne, our good friend and beg you to continue.”

DATE: 1642 TITLE:   La Voye seure, conduisant un chacun chrestien par les tesmoignages et confessions de nos plus doctes adversaires, a` la vraye…foy catholique, dont on fait maintenant profession en l’Eglise d’Angleterre et autres Eglises re´forme ´es. Traduite de l’anglois de Messire Humfrey Lynde… par I. de La Montagne. PUBLISHER: Geneve. P. Aubert, 1642 AUTHOR: Humphrey Lynde, Jean de La Montagne NOTES: PLEASE go to comments on La Voye seure, conduisant un chacun chrestien par les tesmoignages et confessions de nos plus doctes adversaires, a` la vraye… where you will also find additional information on this work. ONLINE COPY:

DATE: 1645 [NOTE, there are two works included in this book] TITLE:   La voye sevre conduisant un chacun chrestien, par les tesmoignages & confessions de nos plus doctes adversaires, à la vraye et ancienne foy catholique, dont on fait maintenant profession en l’Eglise d’Angleterre et autres Eglises Réformées. Traduite de l’Anglois de Messire Humfrey Lynde, Chevalier. Par I. De la Montagne. Sur lacinquiesme Edition Angl. TITLE:  La Voye Esgaree. Faisant fourvoyer les esprits foibles & vacillans és dangereux Sentiers d’erreur, par des apparences colorées d’Escritures Apocryphes, de Traditions non escrites, de Peres douteux, de Conciles ambigus, & d’une pretenduë Eglise catholique. par Messire Humfrey Lynde, Chevalier anglois. Et traduite en françois par I. De la Montagne. PUBLISHER: [Sevre] Se vend a Charenton. Par Lovys Vendome, M. DC. XLV. PUBLISHER: [Esgaree] Se vend a Charenton. Par Lovys Vandosme, M. DC. XLV. AUTHOR: Humphrey Lynde, I. de La Montagne ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy.

DATE: 1646 TITLE:   La voye seure, conduisant un chacun chrestien à la vraye et ancienne foy Catholique, dont on fait maintenant profession en l’Eglise d’Angleterre, & autres Eglise Reformees. PUBLISHER: Se vend a Charenton. Par Louys Vendosme, demeurant a Paris, rue Neusue du Palais, au Sacrifce d’Abraham. M.DC. XLVI AUTHOR: Humphrey Lynde, Jean de La Montagne NOTES: “Sur la sisiesme Edition Angl.” ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy.

DATE: 1647 TITLE:   La voye Esgaree. Faisant fourvoyer les esprits foibles et vacillans és dangereux sentiers d’erreur, par des apparences colorées d’escritures apocryphes, de traditions non escrites, de Peres douteux, de Conciles ambigus, & d’une pretenduë Eglise catholique descouverte par Messire Humfrey Lynde, Chevalier anglois. Et traduite en françois par I. De la Montagne. Seconde Edition. Reveuë & corrigé. Scriptua Regula credendi certissima tutissimà que est. Bellarm. De Verbo Dei, liv. I. cap, 2. . PUBLISHER: Se vend a Charenton. Par Louys Vendosme, demeurant a Paris, rue Neusue du Palais, au Sacrifce d’Abraham. M.DC. XLVII ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy.

DATE: 1647 TITLE:   La voye sevre, Conduisant vn chacun Chrestien, par les tesmoignage & confessions de nos plus doctes Adversairess, a la vraye & ancienne Foy Catholique, dont on fait maintenant profession en l’Eglise d’Angleterre, & autres Eglise Reformees. PUBLISHER: Se vend a Charenton. Par Louys Vendosme, demeurant a Paris, rue Neusue du Palais, au Sacrifce d’Abraham. M.DC. XLVII AUTHOR: Humphrey Lynde, Jean de La Montagne NOTES: “Sur la sisiesme Edition Angl.” ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy.

DATE: 1647 TITLE:   Christelijcke gedachten op onsen schuldigen plicht tegen Godt; tegen onsen Naesten /ende tegen ons selven. vol Onderwijsinghe ende Vertroostinge vooz alderhande Personen / in wat staet ofte gelegenthept dats oock zyn mogen. PUBLISHER: Tot Dordrecht, Voor Jasper Gorissz. Boeck-verkooper / wonende by de Wijn-brugh / in de Griffioen. 1647. AUTHOR: Door J. de la Montagne. Getrouw’ luck uyt het Fransch Vertaelt door W. Beyer. NOTES: There is an introduction to translation by “de la Montagne. *****Page 73 has the original work of LaMontagne titled, Christelicke ende Zedelicke Onderwijsinghen. Op-geboegt tot de voozgaende / Door den voor-Seyden Heer De La Montagne. 1647 ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy. DATE: 1647 TITLE:   Christelicke ende Zedelicke Onderwijsinghen. Op geboegt tot de voozgaende PUBLISHER: AUTHOR: Door den voor-Seyden Heer De La Montagne. NOTES: This second work begins on page 73 of this book. ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy.

DATE: 1649 TITLE:   C. J. Wits Stichtelijcke Bedenckingbe, Onledighe Ledigheyt, Stichtelijcke Tijdt-kortinger, vertoont door geestelijcke gesanghen, leerlijcke historien en bruylofts liedekens. PUBLISHER: Gedruckt t’Enchvysen, Voor Albert Wesselsz Kluppel, Boeck-verkooper by de Wester brugh/ in de Boeck-Parssa Anno 1649. AUTHOR: C. J. Wits; J de la Montagne NOTES: ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy. ONLINE CATALOG: DBNL.

DATE: 1652 TITLE:   La Voye seure… sur la 5e edition. AUTHOR: Humphrey Lynde; I de La Montagne PUBLISHER: Charenton NOTES: ONLINE COPIES: NEED Copy.

DATE: 1655 A TITLE:   Le Monde dans la Lune. divise en deux livres. Le Premier, prouvant que la Lune puet estre un Monde. Le Second, Que la Terre peut-estre une Planette. De la Traduction du S de la Montagne. Mais dequoy (diras tu) me peut-il seruir de Scauoir cels? Si ce n’est pour autre chose, au moins i’appredray qu’il n’y a rien an ce Monde qui ne soit de peu de valeur. Seneque en sa Preface au premier Liure de ses Questions Naturelles. PUBLISHER: “A Rouen, Chez Iacqves Cailloue, dans la Cour du Palais. M.DC.LV.” AUTHOR: John Wilkins TRANSLATOR: de la Montagne ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy; Gallica Copy NOTES: There seems to be two 1655 printings of the French version of this work, published by the same printers but with different title pages. Also, the first printing may not include the second book titled Que la Terre peut-estre une Planette. This particular copy provided here DOES include the second book.

DATE: 1655 B TITLE:   Le Monde dans la Lune. divise en deux livres. Le Premier, prouvant que la Lune puet estre un Monde. Le Second, Que la Terre peut-estre une Planette. De la Traduction du S de la Montagne. AUTHOR: John Wilkins (1614-1672) AUTHOR: I. de La Montagne PUBLISHER: Iacques Cailloue, at Rouen (1655) NOTES: There appear to be two 1655 printings of the French version of this work, published by the same printers, but with different title pages. Also, the first printing may not include the second book titled Que la Terre peut-estre une Planette. This particular copy provided here does not include the second book. ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy

DATE: 1655 TITLE:   C. J. Wits Onledighe-ledigheydt: ofte, Buyten-tijtse Sticht lijcke Oe�feninge. Den Iaersien Dzuck verbetert en vermeerdert. Tweede Deel. PUBLISHER: Gedruckt t’Enchuysen, Door Jan Jansz. Pottjen, Boeck-verkooper op de Zupder-hooghe(?)- Vavendijck/naest de Prins. 1655. AUTHOR: C. J. Wits; J de la Montagne NOTES: It appears that there are several small pieces by la Montagne, whether introductions to small pieces by other writer/composers, his own original pieces. ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy.

DATE: 1656 TITLE:   Le Monde dans la Lune. Divise en deux livres. Le Premier, prouvant que la Lune puet estre un Monde. Le Second, Que la Terre peut-estre une Planette. De la Traduction du S de la Montagne. Mais dequoy (dirastu) me peut-il seruir de Scauoir cels? Si ce n’est pour autre chose, au moins i’appredray qu’il n’y a rien an ce Monde qui ne soit de peu de valeur. Seneque en sa Preface au premier Liure de ses Questions Naturelles. PUBLISHER: A Rouen, Chez Iacqves Cailloue, dans la Cour du Palais. M.DC.LVI AUTHOR: John Wilkins TRANSLATOR: de la Montagne NOTES: No Online Copy Available

DATE: 1661 TITLE:   Puick van Lelyen en Rosen, Gehaelt uit de kostelijcke Tuin, van den doorluchtigen Fransen Heere, De La Montagne. En uit het heerlijck Hof van den treffeliken Engelze Godgeleerde, Arthur Warwick. Verciert met eenige uitgelesen bloemkes van Iosephus Hallius. Upt het Fransen Engels in’t Nederdupts Vertaelt, PUBLISHER: Gedruckt te Harlingen, By Heere Galama, Boekverkoper / aen de Voorstraet / 1661. AUTHOR: Door J. de la Montagne. Getrouw’ luck uyt het Fransch Vertaelt door W. Beyer. NOTES: Christelicke thoughts touching us and guilty of their duty to Godt, usselen, ende onsen Naesten, by J. de la Montagne, translated, and the last half increased by Johannem Visscherum pastor tot Zutphen, 1661, p. 139-140 16) In 1661 the Zutphen minister Johannes Visscher(us) made a translation and extension of the Christelicke thoughts of J. de la Montagne. According to the custom of the time, the preparatory work contains a number of eulogies by P. Ardinois (pastor in Zutphen), Willem Sluiter and Johannes Lomejer (Zutphen, 1636 – 1699), teacher of fine letters and philosophy’ at the Latin school and pastor. [Johannes Visscher AKA Visscherus (c1617-1694) was in 1639 pastor at Wijdenes and Oosterleek in 1649 at Boven-Karspel, in 1654 at Zutphen, and in 1662 at Amsterdam where he died in 1694. Johannes, son of Isaak Visscher (Isaac in various records given as Koopman and married to Anna Ouseels), married Agneta van Peenen at Leiden in 1641, a record of which gives that both he and his bride were born at Leiden. Johannes was given as being the minister at Widenes. The witness for Agneta was her “zuster” Sara . There are also two Leiden notary documents from 1641 for Joannes de Visscher that seems to pertain to the marriage as it names several of his inlaws. At Amsterdam in 1682 Johannes married Anna Lantsman. Also note, from VenezuelaBritish Guiana boundary arbitration. the counter-case of the United States of Venezuela before the tribunal of arbitration to convene at Paris, under the provisions of the treaty between the United States of Venezuela and Her Britannic Majesty signed at Washington, Feb. 2, 1897. (pages 45-48 footnoots especially), a Jehan van Peenen of who the following gives reference… “that a 1 these passages are of interest to the present question chiefly because they have been misunderstood. Hartsinck (Beschrijving van Guiana, i, p. 207), misreading Van Peenen as Van Peeren, suspected a kinship between this merchant and tho Zeeland colonizer Abraham van Pere, who in 1627 founded the colony of Berbice; and on this bases his assertion of early trade relations between Zeeland and Guiana. He is followed by many later writers. It will be seen, by a comparison of this passage with that printed on p. 23, above, that Van Peenen and De Vries (Gerrit Diricxz. de Vries) were not Zeelanders, but merchants of Harlem, and that what they were after was probably not trade, but the precious metals. Source, Case of Venezuela Brief Concerning the Question of Boundary Between Venezuela and British Guiana page 57, gives “It likewise appears from the official proceedings of the States General relative to certain exemptions from convoy fees—provisionally granted, in 1602, to Jehan van Peenen and Garrit Diriexz, and subsequently awarded to them in 1604—that the Dutch not only had no settlements in Guayana, but were prevented from sailing and trading up the Orinoco river by the multitude of the Spaniards whom they found there.” From source, Les artistes de Harlem : Notices historiques avec un pre´cis sur la Gilde de St. Luc…”Cornelis Jacobse Gael had already died in 1635, because his cousin Klaas Gerritsen de Vries asked that year for permission from the dean and commissioners of Harlem to sell his paintings and those of his father Gerrit Dircx de Vries. This sale took place on June 28, 1635 and was announced by printed tickets.”] ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy.

DATE: 1662 TITLE:   Recherches curieuses sur la diversité des langues et religions, en toutes les principales parties du monde… Et mises en Francois par I. de La Montagne. PUBLISHER: A Saumur, chez Jean Lesnier, Imprimeur & Libraire, au Liure d’Or. M. DC. LXII. AUTHOR: Par Ed. Brerevvood Professeur a Londres. Et mises en Francois par I. de la Montagne. Derniere edition reueue & corrigee NOTES: Printer, “Ioh Lesnerii” at Saumur, also published a thesis of I. Monerius in 1638. ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy.

DATE: 1663 TITLE:   Recherches curieuses sur la diversité des langues et religions, en toutes les principales parties du monde… PUBLISHER: A Saumur, & A Paris, Chez Olivier de Varennes, au Palais en la Gallerie des Prisonniers, au Vase d’or. 1663. AUTHOR: Par Ed. Brerevvood, Professeur a Londres. Et mises en Francois par I. de la Montagne. Derniere Edition reveue @ corrigee. NOTES: Plate(s) resembles other works thought might have been done by LaMontagne. ONLINE COPIES: Gallica Copy.

DATE: 1665 TITLE:   Traicté du don de la prière, Monstrant ce que c’est, en quoy il, consiste, & comment on y peut paruenir par industrie, & se rendre capable de prier sur le camps dans toute sortes d’Occasions. PUBLISHER: Et se vendent a Quevilly, Par Pierre Cailloue, demeurant a Rouen dans la Cour du Palais. M DC. LXV. AUTHOR: Par Iean Wilkins, Docteur en theologie. Et Traduit en Francois, Par le Sieur de la Montagne. ORIGINAL TITLE: A Discourse concerning the Gift of Prayer; showing what it is, wherein it consists, and how far it is attainable by Industry [1653]. NOTES: Front matter includes “D’une Lettre de Monsieur de l’Angle a Monsieur de la Montagne du 25. Novembre, 1664.” ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy.

DATE: 1666 TITLE:   C. J. Wits Stichtelijcke Bedenckingbe, Onledighe Ledigheydt, Stichtelijcke Tijdt-kortinge… PUBLISHER: Tot Enchuysen, Opt de ___cherp(?) van Jan Lely-Veldt en Jacob Palensteyn. Anno 1888. Met Privilegien voor 15. Jaren. AUTHOR: Claes Jacobsz Wits; J de la Montagne NOTES: It appears that there are several small pieces by la Montagne, whether intoductions to small pieces by other writer/composers, his own original pieces. SEE 1643 Edition. ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy CATALOG: Nederlandse Liederenbank

DATE: 1666 TITLE:   Puik van lelyen en roosen, dat is: Christelijke gedachten, Ontknoopte bedenkingen, voorts Zeedelijke en heilige opmerkingen PUBLISHER: Amsterdam: Jacobus Wagenaar, 1666 AUTHOR: Jean de La Montagne; Arthur Warwick; Joseph Hall; W Beyer; Cornelius van Diemerbroeck NOTES: I HAVEN”T FOUND AN ONLINE COPY OF THIS VOLUME. ONLINE COPIES: Catalog.

DATE: 1667 TITLE:   Recherches curieuses Sur la diversité des Langues & Religions, en toutes les principales parties du Monde. PUBLISHER: A Paris, Chez Olivier de Varennes, demeurant a Paris, au Palais, en la Gallerie des Prisonniers, au Vase d’or. M. DC. LXVII. AUTHOR: Par Ed. Brerevvod(sic) Prof. a Londres. Traduites en Francois par I. De la Montagne. NOTES: Does this printing mean la Montagne was still living? ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy

DATE: 1676 TITLE:   Christelicke gedachten, raeckende onsen schuldigen plicht teghens God, onsen naesten, en tegens ons selven, PUBLISHER: t’Amsterdam by Jac(ob) van Royen, 1676. AUTHOR: Jean de la Montagne. Guilielmus Beyer. NOTES: I couldn’t locate an online copy. ONLINE COPIES: Catalog.

DATE: 1679 TITLE:   C. J. Wits Stichtelijcke Bedenckingbe, Onledighe Ledigbeydt, Stichtelijcke Tijdt-kortinge… PUBLISHER: Gedruckt t’Enchuysen, Voor Jan Lelyveldt, Boeck-verkooper. Anno 1679. Met Privilegien voor 15. Jaren AUTHOR: C. W. Wits NOTES: J de la Montagne still included in 1679 publication. ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy.

Further Mention of Jean de La Montagne

DATE: 1665 TITLE:   De weenende Christus, PUBLISHER: t’Amsterdam By Abraham van Blancken. 1665. AUTHOR: Door Johannem Visscherum. NOTES: pages not numbered… one mention of J.de la Montagne” by “Joh. Visscherus.” the authors says,”… brought into the Netherlands under the title of Christelicke thoughts, being a publication of J. la Montagne…” There appear to be two versions of this work dated 1665 by Abraham van Blacken. ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy.

DATE: 1672 TITLE:   Joh. Visscheri Christelycke ziel-roerende bedenckingen, kortbondighlick voorgestelt, tot troost der geloovige, schrick der godtlooze…, PUBLISHER: t’Amsterdam By Hendrik en Dirk Boom, Boeckverkoopers op de Cingel, by Jan Roompoorts Tooren. 1672.. 1665. AUTHOR: Door Johannem Visscherum. NOTES: pages not numbered… one mention of J. de la Montagne” by “Joh. Visscherus.” this is the same entry as in the 1665 volume of what is differently titled but might be same work. By Johannes Visscherus, “This is the reason why I have now and then given my thoughts to all the means which might continue and promote the exercise of God’s justice, and in some years I have given the light to that end one hundred and fifty meditations, under the title of Christelicke thoughts, being an appendix of J. de la Montagne, of my from the Françoise tale brought into the Dutch language. What follows is my Heavenly Manna, acting from the drilling and reading of God’s Word, as well as my Christian morality art, which is an explanation about the xij. Chapter Pauli aen den Romeynen. To this also extends the Tract, bearing the name of the weeping Christ, by which some soul-moving Bedenckingen, (comprising some duties, which we deprive of God, must perform ourselves, and our neighbors,) being only other for, now with some appear the second time.” ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy.

DATE: 1704 TITLE:   Gereformeerde schatkamer der gebeden, voorbiddingen en danckseggingen, oft Seer ordentelijcke vergaderinge en t’samenvoeginge der voortreffelijckste gebeden ……, PUBLISHER: by de wed: van Gysbert de Groot. AUTHOR: NOTES: page 5 has “Gebedr, om te geraken tot verhooringe der gebeden , door I. de la Montagne, en vertaelt door Johannes Visscherus, Predikant tot Amsterdam.” Translated: “Prayer to get the prayers answered, by I. de la Montagne, and translated by Johannes Visscherus, Pastor to Amsterdam.” ONLINE COPIES: Google Copy.

New evidence has emerged that partially identifies the second individual who signed his name “Mousnier de La Montagne” to this historic document, and that may point us to the French origins of Jehan Mousnier de La Montagne.

When considering what would induce the earliest European settlers to brave the pitfalls of the “New World” the Round-Robin Petition is an important founding document. That being said, I have spent much time over many years contemplating its history, its content, and on those who would come to sign their name, or lay their mark upon this marvelous expression of freedom.¹

The petitioners, composed of Walloons, French, English, and native Hollanders, who were seeking aid from King James I of England, and the Virginia Company of London, to settle in the vicinity of what is today New York City. The petition included seven articles that expressed the freedom, liberties and privileges that the “Walloons” had been seeking. These articles were drafted by the hand of Jehan Mousnier de La Montagne,² while the signatures and marks themselves were collected by Jesse de Forest.³

One of the several mysteries pertaining to this document that had continued to puzzle me were the two apparently different signatures of the exact same name,—”Mousnier de la Montagne”—both inscribed on this petition one signature atop the other. This same name twice signed represents a “nom de terre”⁴ together with a surname, leaving absent the given names of the two signers, thus providing us with the question, was this two distinct individuals, or one person being represented twice—and if two persons, who was this second person in relation to our known subject, Jehan Mousnier de La Montagne? Now I believe part of this riddle has been solved, and we can now at least partially identify the second individual.

ABOVE: From the first of the two signatures found on the Round-Robin Petition, the letter “J” can be seen, though the creasing damage to the document hampers this somewhat.

ABOVE: From the second of the two signatures found on the Round-Robin Petition, the letter “P” is believed to be the added initial. SEE examples of the letter “P” given below.

It was some years ago when I first recognized that each of two similarly signed names inscribed on the “round-robin” petition might contain an additional letter to the forefront of the surname “Mousnier” thereby representing the given name of each of these individuals. Yet it was not until recently while searching for clues to the family origins of LaMontagne, in the records of the Church of Saint-Andre in Angouleme, France , that I became convinced of this fact.

As can be seen in these same church records it was common practice for half a dozen or more witnesses to sign a single sacramental entry. Likewise, it was common practice, perhaps in an effort to save space, that most of the signers did not provide their complete name, but only gave their surname, with perhaps an added initial representing their given name. It was also not uncommon, much like the two signatures inscribed on the Round-Robin Petition, that some of these signers would conjoin the initial of their given name to the first letter of their surname, often incorporated it in such a way that to a modern researcher the added initial is hard to distinguish masking itself as what might be interpreted as the artistic flare of the signee.

Returning to the two signatures found on the Round-Robin Petition, the first of these appears to contain a “J” conjoined to the “M” in the surname Mousnier. This signature also matches quite well to the known handwriting samples we have for LaMontagne, including his signature affixed to a Leiden notary document. Much like the signatures found in the church records of Angouleme this signature of LaMontagne given on the notary document was likewise absent a given name and his nom de terre, which to some degree helps to support the primary conjecture here presented.

As to the second signature, which is presumed to contain the added initial “P”, we have no known samples to compare it to other than those of unrelated individuals who constructed their P’s in a similar manner. For comparison purposes provided below are some examples found in the records of the Church of Saint-Andre of Angouleme. But before we get to these let us attempt to more clearly illustrate this overall conjecture by digitally separating the two initials which help to comprise each of the two signatures in question found on the Round-Robin Petition, thereby making future comparisons much easier.

ABOVE: A clearer example of Jehan Mousnier’s signature with the initial “J” attached to his surname can be seen as he inscribed it on a Leiden Notary document.⁵

Here on the right, next to the original combination of letters, are separately and individually represented the “J” and “M” taken from the first signature, of which there is no doubt, was inscribed by Jehan Mousnier de La Montagne. In addition the bottom part of the “J” was digitally repaired, this in the attempt to replace the portion lost due to creasing damage. Below these examples are ones taken from the signature found on a Leiden notary document known to be in the hand of Jehan.

Signatures from the Register of Saint-Andre⁹

Compare the above images… On the left is the signature of “Jean Mousnyer” of Angouleme; the signature on the right is that of “Jehan Mousnier de La Montagne”. Both signees appear to employ the same supposed practice of joining the initial of his given name to his surname. Though no definitive relationship between these two individuals has yet been established the handwriting style and form are very similar between the two which may or may not suggest a family relationship of some sort. Below are signatures taken from the baptismal register of the church of Saint-Andre of Angouleme that provide examples of the letter “P”.¹⁰

11

12

Appendices

The following, taken from the sacramental register of the Church of Saint-Andre, is an example of four variations of the surname “Mousnier” having been inscribed on a single entry. Of this practice, it seems plausible that it was the scribe who dictated how the surname was written, perhaps with the intent to aid him in identifying the people mentioned in the document at some later date. Note that in these same church records the more prominent family was most often recorded as “Lemusnier”. ¹³

1. The supposition that some of the individuals involved in the drafting of the Round-Robin Petition may have also had a hand in later drafting the Charter of Freedom and Exempions is extremely tentative, yet plausible. For the most part, this would center around the theory that Johannes de Laet as a leading figure in such enterprises, along with his part in the formation of the Dutch West India Company, helped to draft both the seven articles attached to the Round-Robin Petition, and several years later the Charter of Freedom and Exemptions. It should be noted that less than a month after this second
   document was published LaMontagne and his neighbors left for the “West Indies” seeking to take advantage of the new terms now available to investors and settlers. On a side note, it seems more than a small coincidence that the Charter of Massachusetts Bay issued by the English Crown, which applied to the same territory claimed by the Dutch Colony of New Netherland, seems to have been issued less that two weeks prior to the Charters of Freedom and Exemptions. And here I would not be surprised if the one document had not arisen, at least in part, as a result of the other. ↩︎
2. To date, we have only one example of LaMontagne writing his full name, and that comes from his journal of the Guyana expedition, wherein he gave his name as “Jehan Mousnier de La Montagne”. ↩︎
3. The names of those who could not sign their name, but left their mark, were written in the hand of Jesse de Forest. ↩︎
4. Nom de Terre literally means “Of the Land”. However, the title “de La Montagne”, or “of the Mountains” may perhaps be better categorized as a patronymic-de
   toponymic. This may be pertinent as the nom de terre connotes more the air of nobility, or an attachment to a landed estate, whereas the patronymic-de-toponymic in its
   attachments is less tentative in this regard ↩︎
5. Leiden notary document from 1629 with the archive identifier, “archiefnummer 0506, Archief van notaris Jan Angillis, inventarisnummer 298, blad 118”. This document is very interesting as it is a contract between LaMontagne and a young man servant. The document likewise mentions LaMontagne’s intended voyage to the West Indies with a departure date provided. A similar notary document from this same ledger also records others who were to depart on the same date, and undoubtedly on this same venture to the West Indies, thereby adding to what little knowledge we had of this colonization or commercial effort. ↩︎
6. A booke containing divers sortes of hands as well the English as French secretarie. by Jehan de Beau-Chesne. ↩︎
7. Exemplaires du Sieur Beaulieu: où sont monstrées fidellement toutes sortes de lettres et caracteres de finance, chancelleries, et autres de service : avec une methodique instruction d’icelles: livre premier / taillé par Mathieu Greuter Alleman. Montpellier (1599). ↩︎
8. Exercitatio alphabetica nova et utilissima, variis expressa lingvis et characteribvs : raris ornamentis, vmbris & recessibvs, picture̦, architecturaeque speciosa : nusquam ante hac edita, by Perret, Clément (1569). ↩ ↩︎
9. The baptismal records for the Church of Saint-Andre appear to be the only records remaining prior to 1634 for this church. ↩︎
10. Unfortunately, the city of Angouleme suffered a cyber attack in July of 2023 and for the time being, the archival records that had been available online are no longer accessible, at least for the present time being. ↩︎
11. Signature of (Jehan) “Penof”, from the baptismal records of the Church of Saint-Andre , Angouleme, 1604-1613, image 3 of 328. ↩︎
12. This name has been interpreted by a transcriber as “Montargis”, but I remain somewhat skeptical. ↩︎
13. In the records of Angouleme, both church and civil, it appears that it may have been common practice for the scribe to dictate how a person would sign their name.
    So in the case of the registers of the Church of Saint Andre, all on one record, we might find the surname “Mousnier” listed alongside the variants Lemusnier, Musnier, Mousnier, Mousnyer, etc. The spellings of the names as inscribed by the signers seemed to correspond to how the priest or scribe wrote the name in the preceding sacramental entry. The use of the variant “Lemusnier” seemed to favor the more prominent branch. This may have been a device employed by the scribe to aid him in the effort of being able to identify the persons whose names he recorded at some later date. This same practice may have also been employed in the local notary records. Notably, in this same period, the primary public notary for Angouleme, for whom we have available extracts, was also named Jean Mousnier. SEE the Appendices for an extreme example of this practice regarding the variants of the surname “Mousnier” attached to a single baptismal entry. ↩︎

The following includes some information on Jean Mousnier de La Montagne and his return to the Americas with his wife and their young family.¹ Such has been extracted from primary source documents, some of which have only recently been uncovered, wherein still remain untranslated details to be gleaned. These documents will add to what little is known about the early Dutch settlements on the Island of Tobago, providing names and additional information on some of the people who, for reasons one can only imagine, chose to go there in 1629. The documents here may also help to counter some present-day speculations on the short-lived colony, but more archival digging needs to be done. Most of the primary sources here on this page have been obtained through the Leiden Regional Archives and are available there in digital format.

The history of early European attempts to establish colonies on Tobago is very incomplete, and the existing contemporary sources few. Taking the aforesaid into consideration, our attempt here will be to provide bits of information that are pieces of a larger puzzle. Most of these will directly pertain to LaMontagne, his immediate group of friends and associates, and their wider circle of connections with persons of influence and of capital. But first a little background on the Island of Tobago.

The Spanish and Tobago

There are some who say that Christopher Columbus, who on his third voyage spied the Island at a distance, but did not land on the Island, named it Belaforme, “because from a distance it seemed beautiful”. The name Tabaco was first recorded in a Spanish royal order, issued in 1511. This name references the shape of the island, which resembles the fat cigars smoked by the Taíno inhabitants of the Greater Antilles. After the establishment of a permanent Spanish settlement in Trinidad in 1592, Tobago became the focus of their slave raids.² Spanish slave raids from Margarita and Trinidad continued until at least the 1620s, decimating the island’s population.¹

Jan de Moor

Jan de Moor was a merchant and a member of the State Council of Holland. A rich man, he financed some of the earlier Dutch attempts at settlement in the Amazon River and on the Guyanese coast³ in the years 1613 – 1614. He did business with the Courteen family, and their Anglo-Dutch trading firm that maintained a settlement at Kykoveral on the Essequibo and that had settled Barbados on their own account. Jan de Moor had this too in mind for Tobago and made two attempts at colonization. Both failed, the last in 1633, when he sent his people under an English man named Gayner. They set up themselves at Toco, Trinidad, and then in Tobago. This came to nought as the energetic Captain Diego Lopez de Escobar, the Spanish governor, routed the would-be colonists.

Current Speculation on the Dutch Colony…

It’s commonly thought that the earliest Dutch colony on Tobago was abandoned in 1630 due to attacks from the local indigenous people, only to be reestablished in 1634. This effort likewise came to an end in 1637 upon surrender to Spanish forces. A marvelous recount of this colony and its capture by Spanish forces was given by Jaques Ousiel⁴ in his report to the West India Company.⁵ Most of those captured were eventually executed, among those who were spared were Ousiel and a group of young boys who were among those who had surrendered.

The following documents seem to dispute the given history of the first attempt to settle Tobago, though more archival digging needs to be done. Regarding the documents and the extracts given below, we believe that they will add to the knowledge of the early colonization period of Tobago and the Americas in general, and we hope that they might spark other history sleuths to delve into his little-researched topic.

On June 7, 1629 the so termed Charter of Freedoms and Exemptions was announced in the Netherlands by public placard informing all interested parties that the territories of the Dutch West India Company in the New World were to be open to private investors and partnerships. This act would foster what would come to be known as the “patroon system”.

The above is from the first page of a source listed by its online title, Registers van attestatie, verstrekt aan vertrekkende lidmaten, (deel 1),1629-1769. This is a recent addition to the digital records now available at the Regional Archives of Leiden. These particular records are testimonials for departing members, with the first of these volumes beginning in January of 1629.

On July 15th, 1629 [Gregorian, July 25th] at the Waals Vrouwkerk in Leiden, several names of those intending to depart on the 25th of July [Gregorian, Aug. 4th) provided testimonials. The names of those giving testimony, were given as follows:

July 15 (1629)

Sponsor	Name of Person	Date of Departure
Flamen	Jean Many	Le 9 Aoust
[Flamen]	Elain de La Port / et sa fem	Elain de La Port / and his wife
Flamen	Matthieu Richart / and his wife	Le 26 de Jullet
	Abraham de La port6	July 26th
maton	Catheline Hache7
Musart	Matthieu Richart / et sa femme	July 26th
Jenain(?)	Jean du Chesne	July 26th
(Jenain?)	marie wancours(?)	July 26th
musart	Martin Thomas / et sa femme8	July 26th
(musart)	Pierre Noe et sa feme 9	July 26th
Flamen	Jean Cannell / et sa feme 10
du Rieu	Anthoine ruseau
du Rieu	Jean Monier / et sa feme11	July 26th

There are three notary documents that pertain to this trip to Tobago. The first of these was for Jean Mousnier and was dated the 16th of July, 1629. This document was a contract for a young man named Tobias Pietersz to be Montagne’s valet for a term of three years to begin in August 1629. Tobias, who was age sixteen at the time, was the son of Pieter Janssz, a linenworker, and Lijsbeth Theunis. This document mentions the West India Company. [SEE notary document number 118]. The other two documents were for Abraham de La Port, the second of which mentions both “Indes Occidentalles” and Gerard de Forest, and appears to refer to the de La Port children who may be staying behind.⁶ [SEE notary documents numbered 127 and 128]¹²

The current thinking is that the first Dutch Colony of Tobago was abandoned in 1630, but the following documents may conflict with that history, these taken from the record of incoming members. In October 1631, “Rachel des Forest, “femme de Jean Mosnier” was received by testimony into membership of the Waalse Church from Tobago. Three other women were also received from Tobago, “where their husbands are remaining” [de Tobago ou leurs maris sont demeurant].  The names of the other women given were:
               Marsen Loicker femme de Jean du Chesne
               Esther Boe (AKA Bos) femme de Pieter Noe
               Louijse de Croix femme de Glaude Beharrez¹³

From the same records under the under the month of August 1633 “Jean Mosnier” was received by testimony into membership of the Waalse Church from Tobago“. Five other men were also received by testimony on the same occasion under the caption, “du Fort de Middelbourgh en Tobago”. ^{WAALS MEMBERS, p59} The names of the six men from Tobago were given as:¹⁴
               Jean du Chesne
               Estienne de la Porte
               Abraham de la Porte
               Jean Mosner
               Adrien barras
               Martin Thomas

There are still some who believe that LaMontagne may not have been from the Province of Saintonge, but that “Xanto”, as given in the university registry, represented a place named Santes in the vicinity of Lille. Conversely, we believe that there is no doubt that these terms represented “Saintonge”, but whether or not that term corresponded to that historical province or to a larger geographical designation, such that would include extended areas where the Saintongeais dialect was traditionally spoken, has yet to be determined.

“LaMontagne, having been registered as a medical student at the University of Leiden in 1619, 1623, 1626, 1633 and 1636, his nativity as taken from the records were given as “Xanto”, “Xantho”, “Xanto-Gallus”, and “Santo-Gallus”.  This information was provided in the work, Album studiosorum Academiae Lugduno Batavae MDLXXV-MDCCCLXXV: accedunt nomina curatorum et professorum per eadem secula, this being a collection of abstracts taken from the registers of Leiden University, compiled by Dr. W. N. du Rieu. Dr du Rieu was not only the Librarian of Leiden University, thus having direct access to the university archives, but was also a Walloon historian, and as such may have been the person most capable of assessing the meaning of the term “Xanto”, etc., used to define La Montagne’s place of nativity. Charles W Baird, perhaps the preeminent historian of the Huguenots in America, wrote that LaMontagne was born at Saintes in the Province of Saintonge. Baird had been in direct contact with Dr. Rieu. However, James Riker, the preeminent historian on Harlem (New York), who published his Revised History… a few years after du Rieu and Baird published their works, in referring to LaMontagne wrote that a “Xanto” or a “Santo” was descriptive of a person from Saintonge , not going so far as to say that LaMontagne was from Saintes, a city within that Province. Riker gives credit to W. J. C. Rammelman Elsevier, who was an archivist at Leiden and likely also had direct access to the university archives, and he too gave that LaMontagne was from Saintes in the Province of Saintonge.”

Abstracts from the registration records of Leiden University are provided in the source, Album studiosorum Academiae Lugduno Batavae MDLXXV-MDCCCLXXV: accedunt nomina curatorum et professorum per eadem secula. Below are the names of students who were registered at Leiden University, and were given as natives of “Xanto”, or some form thereof. Among these names are at least three who were known to have been born in the Province of Saintonge, these being Benjaminus Pritolaus born at Saint-Jean-d’Angély; Guillaume, son of Guillaume Rivet, pastor at Taillebourg; David Primrose, son of Gilbert Primrose, pastor at Mirambeau. We welcome your comments and questions on the information and source contained below. Thank You!

1595, Sept. 23	Samuel Petitus Xanto. 20, T.DU RIEU, p44
1605, Feb. 2	Joannes Bardinus Sancto. 21. P.DU RIEU, p81
1606, July 18	David Megatus Sancto-Gallus.DU RIEU, p83
1607, Feb. 14	Japhetus Vigerius Santo Gallus. 22, T.DU RIEU, p85
1609, May 29	Daniel Beguinus Angeliensis Xanto. 21, J.DU RIEU, p95
1612, May 12	Johannes Rainsbergus Sanctogallensis. 17, T.DU RIEU, p106
1619, Sept. 17	Gedeon Commaeus Xanto. 22, J.DU RIEU, p143
1619, Nov. 19	*Johannes Monerius Montanus Xanto. 24, M.DU RIEU, p144
1621, May 15	Johannes Affanor Xanto 20, P.DU RIEU, p153
1621, May 19	Benjaminus Pritolaus Xanto S. Angeliacus. 20, T.DU RIEU, p153
1621, June 26	Johannes Minenius Xantho 20, T.DU RIEU, p154
1621, Oct. 4	Gulielmus Rivetus, Gulielmi fil., Taliburgensis Xanto. 16, L. Hon. ergo.DU RIEU, p156
1621, Oct. 4	Andreas Rivetus, Andree fil., Picto Touarsium. 16, L. Hon. ergo.DU RIEU, p156
1622, Aug. 2	David Primirosius Xanto. 22, T.DU RIEU, p162
1623, Jan. 7	*Johannes Mausnerius Montanus Xantho. 27, M.DU RIEU, p165
1625, Nov. 14	Benjaminus Regnaldus du Maisne Santo Gallus. 25 Mat.DU RIEU, p182
1626, July 6	Jacobus Rangeardus Xanto-Gallus, 21, P.DU RIEU, p193
1626, July 8	*Joannes Monerius Xanto-Gallus. 30, M.DU RIEU, p193
1628, April 22	Stephanus Valandus Gallus Xanto. 22, Mat.DU RIEU, p209
1629, March 15	Cosmus Bonninus Xanto. 20, P.DU RIEU, p216
1629, Oct. 8	Isaac Teroudius Xanto. 19, Mat.DU RIEU, p221
1633, May 21	*Johannes Monerius Montanus, Xanto-Gallus. 35, M.DU RIEU, p253
1634, Nov. 20	Petrus Franciscus Xanto. 20, P.DU RIEU, p267
1636, March 3	*Joannes Monerius Santo-Gallus. 38, M.DU RIEU, p275
1647, May 21	Paulus Chesneau Xanto. 25, P.DU RIEU, p377
1647, Aug. 2	Theodorus Chrispinus Xantonensis Gallus. 25, T.DU RIEU, p379

[ Above: “Unknown Man”, Rembrandt (c1632); NY Met. ]¹

Introduction

What follows is the result of many years of trying to extract information out of the name, “Jean Mousnier de La Montagne. These include his social rank, family origins, etc., as well as collecting the name variations used by others over the years in reference to LaMontagne, which likewise has its uses when searching documents for reference to this person. —J.A.R.M. (2023)

Variation in his name

The names, and variations in spellings used to represent the individual who in 1623 wrote his name as “Jehan Mousnier de la Montagne”, are numerous and somewhat varied. Yet early examples of how this individual wrote his own name, or represented himself on paper, are relatively few. Those that we do have are important clues in the possibly uncovering his French origins, both in the preferred spelling of his name, as well as providing hint to his social status, the latter of which may best be gleaned from his correspondence among peers, etc. How others represented LaMontagne in document, or how they addressed him in correspondence are also important clues, both from that same social perspective, as well as being an aid to future research that may help to identify some unexpected spelling of his name found on some yet undiscovered document. How LaMontagne signed his own name or identify himself, and how others would represent him in documents, evolved over the years, at least as far as it concerns the records that are still extant. Most of this metamorphosis in the presentation of his name was the result of his continued immersion into the Dutch speaking world. However, we have very little that survives of what might be termed personal correspondence and so we know very little on how friends and family would have addressed LaMontagne.

Above: From the Journal of the Amazon/Guiana expedition kept by LaMontagne, his name in his own handwriting—the only such example of his given name in his own hand.

Of his given name, “Jehan”

Over the years the given name used to represent LaMontagne carried numerous forms across two languages, among those Jean, Joannes, Johan, Johannes and Jan. Yet of all the representations we have only one variant of this name given in the hand of LaMontagne himself, and at that time it was so written by him as “Jehan”² — this the old French spelling of the name “Jean”.

Below are the only three examples we have of his surname being written in the hand of LaMontagne himself.

Above: from the Journal of the Amazon/Guiana expedition kept by LaMontagne⁴

Above: from a 1629 notary document signed by LaMontagne

Of the name “Mousnier”

The name “Mousnier”, was the family surname. Here too we have few examples of how this name was written, either by LaMontagne himself, or by others. In fact we have but three examples of how LaMontagne wrote his surname, and in each example it was given as “Mousnier”. We also have only three documents wherein his surname “Mousnier” was correctly written by a third party, two of which were baptismal entries from the registers of the Walloon Church of Leiden, and the third from a Leiden notary document. Within the Dutch world in which he lived he was mostly identified as “La Montagne,” both by himself and by others, and we find little use of his surname “Mousnier” in any form. However, when it is used it seldom resembles the original spelling, though phonetically speaking the Dutch interpretations do appear to be fairly accurate renderings.

Of the origin of the surname “Mousnier” there are conflicting sources. Some write that it is a variant of the name Monnier, which is derived from the Latin “moneta” meaning “coinage”or “mint”, from which the same in English comes the word “money”, and in French is derived the word “monnayer” [pronounced mo-nė-iè-r] or “monnayeur” / “monnayère” [pronounced mo-nė-ieūr] meaning coiner, minter, or mint master.^{5 6}

The Harrison’s have a second alternative origin of the surname “Mon(n)ier”, this being the French word “meunier”, or in English “miller”, derived from the Latin “molinarius”, and the old French “meulnier”.⁷ This alternative origin for the Mousnier surname seems most plausible when also considering what Cotgrave gave in his A dictionarie of the French and English tongues (1632),⁸ having for the French word “Musnier”, also “Mounier”, with it’s English translation of “Miller”, or that “pertaining to a miller”. This same origin is also supported by the symbols found in the heraldic arms of the Le Musnier family, descendants of Francois LeMusnier of Angouleme.⁹ Variations of the family arms include three fish known as “meunieres”, literally translated as “miller’s wife”, named so as they were the fish most often found near the old mill ponds, and today Fish à La Meunière” is the traditional recipe used by the ancient mill-house matrons in cooking that fish.

The dialects of the Poitevin, Saintongeais, and Angoumois.

The only indications we have of LaMontagne’s place of birth comes from the registration records of Leiden University, wherein on several separate occasions in regard to his place of nativity the term “Xanto”, or “Santo Gallo” was given.¹⁰ Such makes reference to the historic Province of Saintonge, but this term may pertain to a geographic region that extends beyond the bounds of this province so as to include the bordering area where the Saintongeais Dialect was spoken. Here are some words taken from the Dictionnaire du patois saintongeais:¹¹

Mounaie = Monnaie = Money.

Moùnier = Meunier = Miller

Moùniere Sésie = a sort of butterfly

MOINE, f. pour Moelle : “de la moine de seuil.” ( sureau). Insecte, grosse libellule, agrion. – Tourillon en bois pour faire jouer la verge du fléau à battre le blé.

ABOVE: Modern map showing the extent of the historical Province of Saintonge.

BELOW: The greater geographic area where the Saintongeais dialect was spoken.

Here it appears that the word “Moine” in the Saintongeais Dialect translates into the French “Moelle”, which translates into English as “marrow”. Whereas in French “moine” means “monk, hence the French surname “Lemoine”, is said to be literally translated as “The Monk”. Note here also the French word for mill, “moulin”, which may compound the confusion to one who does not speak the French.

Variations in the surname LeMusnier and Monnier

Le Musnier, Le Musnyer, Musnier, Musnyer, Mousnier, Meusnier, Musniere, Le Meunier, Meunier, Le Mounier, Mounier, Le Monier, Le Monnier, Monier, Monnier.

Representaions of his surname “Mousnier” found in the Dutch Records

Within the Dutch records spellings that were intended to represent the French surname Mousnier have included the following:

Le Moine,12 Monier, Monnier, Monÿer, Monÿeer, Moenÿer, Moenÿe, Mony, Monje, Monij, Monjeer, Moine, Mognier, Lemonje.

Of the name “de la Montagne”, or of the Mountain.

In French, de indicates a link between the land and a person, whether it be either landlord or peasant. Since the sixteenth century, surnames among the French nobility have often been composed of a combination of patronymic names, titles, or noms de terres (‘names of lands’ or estates) joined by the preposition de, as used by the philosopher “Michel de Montaigne”. With regard to Jean Mousnier, his nom de terre may refer to his place of nativity, that of some ancestral estate of no titled claim perse, or a jurisdiction where he held some minor office for however brief of period…¹³

In the case of Jean Mousnier de la Montagne, if there indeed be any title connected to his name it would belong to a lesser order. If it was a landed title, there was still likely homage to be paid to an overlord, or perhaps part of larger holdings held by the head of the family and “loaned out” so to speak, for a generation or two upon which possession reverts back to the primary land holder. The name “de la Montagne” itself has the translation, “of the Mountain”. The great French philosopher Michel de Montaigne (1533-1592), whose name is more completely expressed as “Michel Eyquem Sieur de Montaigne”, was from Bordeaux, a city that borders the historic Province of Saintonge. His title “de Montaigne” was derived from his ancestors, and his estate was often referred to as “Maison de Montaigne”, simply meaning “House of Montagne”. Numerous person in the successive generations from the Eyquem family had used the title “Sieur De Montaigne”, among these was Raymond de Montaigne¹⁵ Bishop of Bayonne. Though this estate is outside the bounds of the suspected origins of Jean Mousnier there are several others places associated with the name or title “(de) La Montagne” in areas of interest that are in the neighborhoods of Angouleme and Saintes. We further suspect there to likely be several more places of this same name within these same bounds. One specifically of great interest might have connection to the LeMusnier/Musnier/Mousnier families of Angouleme.¹⁶

Another family from the area of Angouleme with likewise presence in Saintonge, and whose members likewise bore the title “Sieur de Montagne,” were those surnamed d’Aigle. The most prominent of this family was “Jacques de L’Aigle, Sieur Montagne” who was infamous for his role in the Massacre of Vassy (1562), which initiated the French Wars of Religion. This family seems to have sold much of their land holdings in this region soon after that event and, having gained more prestigious titles closer to the vicinity of Vassy, Jacques seems to have dropped the title “Sieur de l a Montagne” for those newly acquired. Yet with all this said, we make no conclusions and continue to search outside these families, and geographic bounds for the origins of Jean Mousnier de La Montagne.

Mention of the use of capitalized “La” vs. the lower case “la”

There is custom for the use of particules in regards to French surnames that are not strictly obeyed, included in this would be the use of the capital “La” verses the lower case “la”. The basic rules in regard to the capitalization of particules in French language are as follows: “de“, “le” and “la” are generally not capitalized, but “Du” and the double “de La” are. It does not appear that La Montagne was a strict observer of this rule, at least in the use of the particule “de La”. Though when he arrives in New Netherland his apparent preferred signature simply gives “La Montagne”, which would be in accordance with the above rules of particules.

La Montagne’s use of his “nom de terre”, or “de La Montagne”

There is only a slight variation in the spelling of his name used by LaMontagne, which would have been the dropping of the particle “de” from “de la Montagne”. He also appears to now capitalize the “L” in La Montagne”. This new variant was found in nearly all, if not all, of his writings after he arrived in New Netherland in the early part of 1637. From then on we have no sample of his name in his hand other than his signature, examples of which perhaps run into the hundreds. Nearly all of these are attached to documents in an offcial capacity during his tenure as the longest serving high-offcial in New Netherland, a service that spanned twenty-eight years. Even in his correspondence, though still in an official capacity yet of a more personal nature, these too carry the same signature. In total nearly all, if not all, of these samples are signed in the same simple manner, and with the same simple style, “La Montagne”.

ABOVE: Both samples from the same letter in the hand of LaMontagne. Notice how LaMontagne’s handling of “de la” and “La”.¹⁷

Of his potential nobility of one rank or another

As his name, and as his social station would suggest, it’s likely that LaMontagne came from a family of minor nobility—Among such in France were the noblesse de robe, and the noblesse de cloche. Those of higher rank were of the noblesse d’épée, or nobles of the sword. Many of the families of this knightly class had gained their rank during the Middle Ages, being of the chivalric orders, who in return for military service were granted possession of feudal landed estates. Members of this order were strictly prohibited from most commercial and manual labor, but could profit from their lands by operating mines and forges. These titles of nobility were generally hereditary, and new grants continued to be awarded through the succeeding centuries by the French Kings for loyal service. Here many opportunities, both legal and illegal, were available for wealthy individuals to eventually gain titles of nobility for themselves or their descendants. Of the lesser nobility, their rank was acquired through administrative and judicial offices that originated and multiplied with the growth in government institutions. Though these offces might raise one’s social status to a noble rank they were rarely themselves attached to any title or landed estate. One portion of French society who gained much by these institutions by way of maintaining a strong minority influence were the French Protestants. On the practice itself, here is what heraldica.org gives on French titles:

“French titles are thus born by one person at a time,18 because only one person can own the property… However, a family might possess several titles, and the head of the family might distribute them among his heirs, as he would share his inheritance between his children. Indeed, titles were a form of property, and could be bought and sold freely before the abolition of the feudal regime in 1789.”

ABOVE:Knight of the chivalric orders.	ABOVE: Battle of Poitiers, from Grandes Chroniques de France, c1415. The British Library.

Nobles of the Robe and Cloche

Attainment of nobility through office could happen either immediately or after a number of years, and could be personal or hereditary, gained after two or more succeeding generations of government office. Those who had acquired nobility through judicial office in one of the Parliaments, or courts of France, were members of the noblesse de robe. Within these institutions members were ennobled after 20 years or death in office for two consecutive generations. Some courts, such as Paris, ennobled “in the first degree”, that is, at the first generation; a variety of other judicial offices carried similar privilege. These judicial offices were bought and sold freely. The Parliaments wherein future investigation might more likely find any immediate family of Jean LaMontagne would be those of Bordeaux, Paris, and Toulouse. The Parliament of Paris had some preeminence over the other parliaments as it had historically held some legislative power and influence over the king. Also, in smaller regional cities could be found holders of other fiscal offices, such as members of the tax courts and state auditors, senior tax collectors, and the like. As with most of the other offices, these too could be bought and sold, providing potential opportunities especially suited for the younger scion of this lower order. There were also administrative offices and other various positions in the king’s household, and the several hundred offices of secrétaires du Roi, which were ennobled in the first degree.

In regard to the noblesse de cloche or nobility of the bell, throughout France there were historically 16 cities wherein titles through municipal privilege were allowed to be granted to certain office holders. Of these, the communities where we would be more likely to find representatives of LaMontagne’s immediate family would be Angoulême, Cognac, La Rochelle, Niort and Saint-Jean d’Angély. These offices were usually those of aldermen or members of the city council, but after 1667 the ennobling privilege was restricted to the office of mayor.

These hereditary offices had become a great source of revenue stream for the crown, conversely, these same institutions would gain in bureaucratic power, through which they became increasingly irritating to the French crown. However, this trend would swiftly be reversed under the more autocratic reign of Louis XIII (King 1610-1643), and that of his chief minister, Cardinal Richelieu. Their centralization of power concentrated into that of the crown began in 1618 with the revocation of the paulette tax and by the sale of offices in 1620. This authoritarian power grab fell especially hard upon the Protestants, who would also soon loose their fortified cities to the crown forces through siege, battle and treaty.

Above: The ancient parlements of France	Above: A seal from the letter sent by LaMontagne in 1658 to the French regional Governor of Trois-Rivières Canada.19

With regards to the use of titles and of surnames, those of lesser nobility would often drop the use of the family surname in preference to the title, or a form of it. Those of the higher order nobility, while they would likewise use their titles, were much more inclined to retain their surnames as well. Michel de Montaigne, the great 16th Century French philosopher, wrote of this practice in his essay Of Names. He thought it a great detriment to French society as the lineage of noble lines were disappearing, being lost to titles that often had no family heritage, that would change from generation to generation and be exchanged between one family to another, and therefore held no real familial attachment or ancestral pride. This would seem to be the occurrence with our subject, dropping the family name of “Mousnier”, wherein he and his descendants would all adopt variations of his nome de terre. However, in LaMontagne’s case the preference in the use of the more common, more generic name “de La Montagne” may have been part of his continuing attempt to remain less conspicuous, perhaps shielding family living back in France from possible embarrassment or political repercussions.

Representations of his nom de terre, “de La Montagne” in the Dutch records.

Following LaMontagne’s arrival at Leiden by as early as 1619 and his entry into the Dutch world, the various spellings given by third parties of his common name “Montagne” are wide and varied. They include the obvious, and seem to approach the ridiculous including those among the following examples, which by no count are the only spellings to be found representing this person’s name on documents.

de Montagne, de Montaigne, des Montagne, des Montaigne, de La Montagne, de La Montaigne, de la Montangnie, “dit l Montaigne”, la Montaengne, La Montagne, La Montangie, La Montangne, La Montaney, Montangis.

Representations of his name in the registration records of Leiden University.

These records were recorded in Latin and as such may provide clues recognizing representations of his name in both the world of academia and in publication. These would include personal correspondence found in both spheres. In all fields and disciplines above named there have been found Latinized versions of the names listed below here representing Jean Mousnier de La Montagne. The following taken from the records of Leiden University where LaMontagne was registered on five separate occasions.

(1619) “Johannes Monerius Montanus” (1623) “Johannes Mausnerius Montanus” (1626) “Joannes Monerius” (1633) “Johannes Monerius Montanus” (1636) “Joannes Monerius”

Representations of his name as an author/translator of published works

In the publish works believed to have been either translated, or authored in part by Jean Mousnier de La Montagne, the only name that appears to have been given throughout these books was “Jean de la Montagne”. [For a list of these books, SEE Post, Works authored, or translated by LaMontagne]

Examples through the years on how Jean Mousnier de La Montagne represented himslf in document

Of LaMontagne’s signature, we have few early examples, and they differ from those of his time spent in New Netherland from 1637 until his death sometime after 1665. Aside from his signatures we have but one instance of LaMontagne writing his name in draft. Prior to 1637, the year when he arrived in New Netherland, there exists only three samples of LaMontagne writing or signing his own name as given below.

1621

1623

1629

c1637

1662

Letter from La Montagne to Stuyvesant dated Aug. 18, 1662²⁰

Examples through the years on how Jean Mousnier de La Montagne was represented by others in document

1621

ABOVE: Walloon Church, Leiden ; baptism entry for Isaac Ragot; “Jean de la Montaign”.

1622

“Jan le Moine” is recorded in the 1622 Poll Tax Census of Leiden²¹

1626

There are four separate sources recording the Leiden marriage of LaMontagne and Rachel des Forest. The first example (a) is from the ecclesiastical marriage banns ²² and give his name as “Jean Moenÿe”; the second example (b) is from the marriage register of the Walloon Church ²³ (Vrouwekerk) and gives his name as “Jean Monnier“(?); the third example (c) is from the marriage register of Pieterskerk²⁴ and gives his name as “Jean Moenÿer”; the forth example is from the marriage register of the Hooglandse Kerk ²⁵ and gives “Jean Moenÿer”. Note that C & D were written in the same hand.

A.

B.

C.

D.

1627

1628

1629

1629

1629

1633

1633

1634

1635

1636

1638

1638

1638

1639

1642

1645

1646

1647

1647

1652

Three different renderings of La Montagne’s name on two copies of same document.

1652

1654

1659

1659

1659

1664

1665

1665

1670

Two entries in the Leiden Bond Book that appear to be dated 1670 and 1678; both give Jan Mony de La Montagne.⁵⁴

1. “Unknown Man”, Rembrandt (c1632); Metropolitan Museum of New York. Note: Rembrandt attended Leiden University, as well as giving lessons in art. This painting was just after that period being estimated to have been painted about the year 1632. The person depicted in this portrait, though unknown, is of the approximate age, social status, and countenance one might expect of LaMontagne. ↩︎
2. British National Libray, Sloane MS 179 B, Journal du voyage fait par les pères de famille envoyés par la Compagnie Hollandaise des Indes occidentales pour visiter la coste de Guiane (1623-1625). This image, and a translation of that manuscript, can be
   found in the work titled, A Walloon Family in America, Lookwood de Forest and His Forbears, 1500-1848, volume II, Together with a Voyage to Guiana Being the Journal of Jesse de Forest and his colonists 1623-1625″, by Emily Johnston De Forest [AKA Mrs. Robert de Forest]. Boston and New York Published by Houghtom Mifflin Company (1914). [LCCN 14022574]. ↩︎
3. National Archives of Great Britain; SP 84/101 – Correspondence and papers of the Secretary of State: Holland; Folio 281: Carleton to Calvert – 2 letters and copies. Enclosing: Petition of Walloons in French to settle in Virginia. ↩︎
4. British National Libray, Sloane MS 179 B, Journal du voyage fait par les pères de famille envoyés par la Compagnie Hollandaise des Indes occidentales pour visiter la coste de Guiane (1623-1625). This image, and a translation of that manuscript, can be
   found in the work titled, A Walloon Family in America, Lookwood de Forest and His Forbears, 1500-1848, volume II, Together with a Voyage to Guiana Being the Journal of Jesse de Forest and his colonists 1623-1625″, by Emily Johnston De Forest [AKA Mrs. Robert de Forest]. Boston and New York Published by Houghtom Mifflin Company (1914). [LCCN 14022574]. ↩︎
5. Alexander Spiers. The standard pronouncing dictionary of the French and English languages, in two parts. New York: D. Appleton and Company (1874)—SEE p188. ↩︎
6. Henry Harrison; Gyda Pulling Harrison.   Surnames of the Kingdom: a concise etymological dictionary. London: Eaton Press (1912)—SEE p26. ↩︎
7. Ibid ↩︎
8. Randle Cotgrave; A Dictionarie of the French and English Tougues; Printed by Adam Islip; London (1632). ↩︎
9. Charles d’Hozier; Armorial général dressé en vertu de l’édit de 1696 : Armorial général de France, généralité de Limoges : Limoges, Tulle, Brive,en Limosin, Bourganeuf, dans la Marche, Angoulême, en Angoumois / par Charles d’Hozier,… ; published by J. Moreau de Pravieux; original creator of the text Charles-René d’Hozier, (1640-1732); impr. de Darantière, Dijon(1895). Under Angouleme, Louis le Meunier, seigneur deLartige, “D’azur a un chevron d’or, accompagne de trois poissons d’argent poses en pal, deux enchef et un en point” A second Coat of Arms. A depiction of the arms of this family can be seen at Les Blasons de la Charente, Famille Le Musnier. NOTE, this family descendant of Francois LeMusnier of Angouleme, who is believed to be closely related to the Mousnier/Musnier family of that same place who are currently suspected of being the ancestors of J.M.d.L.M.—SEE Post titled, Lemusnier, Musnier, Mousnier of Angouleme… The suspected ancestors of Jean LaMontagne. ↩︎
10. Willem Nicolaas De Rieu; Album studiosorum Academiae Lugduno Batavae MDLXXV–MDCCCLXXV: accedunt nomina curatorum et professorum per eadem secula. Register of the University of Leiden 1575-1875. Hagae; Comitum apud Martinum Nijhoff (1875). [LCCN 02014639]. For an expanded examination on the term(s) “Xanto”, etc.— SEE Post, The nativity of Jean Mousnier de La Montagne, described with the term “Xanto” examined. ↩︎
11. P. Jônain (Jônain, Pierre Abraham). Dictionnaire du patois saintongeais; Royan, Niort, Paris (1869). ↩︎
12. The similar-sounding surname of Lemoine, Lemoyne etc., derived from the French word for monk, should also be included when searching for records, especially those written by a scribe that may not have been as familiar with the French Language. ↩︎
13. It is also quite possible that the name LaMontagne was attached to some landed estate, but in this case we believe it would have been only briefly held, perhaps just long enough for Jean Mousnier La Montagne to have gained a title through transmission of one sort or another. ↩︎
14. National Archives of Great Britain; SP 84/101 Correspondence and papers of the Secretary of State: Holland; Folio 281: Carleton to Calvert – 2 letters and copies. Enclosing: Petition of Walloons in French to settle in Virginia. ↩︎
15. Raymond de Montaigne, consecrated Bishop of Bayonne in 1629, comes to mind. He held a high position in the regional goverment of the Province of Saintonge based at Saintes prior to his retirement into the clergy. Mentioned here for effect, as having in his offce a man named George LeMusnier. LeMusnier appears to be closely related to the LeMusnier of Anglouleme. Note, that there also appears to be a place, or an estate in the near proximity west(?) of Saintes named “La Montagne”, but I believe all the is a minor red herring as yet only worthy of a note. ↩︎
16. These are the LeMusnier/Musnier/Mousnier families of Angouleme.—J.A.R.M. (2023). ↩︎
17. New York State Archives. New York (Colony). Council. Dutch colonial administrative correspondence, 1646-1664. Series A1810-78. Volume 12, document 87; Identifier NYSA_A1810-78_V12_87; Letter sent by LaMontagne in 1658 to the regional Governor of Trois-Rivières French Canada, Jacques Leneuf de La Poterie. ↩︎
18. The Round Robin petition contains two signatures with the name “Mousnier de La Montagne” ↩︎
19. New York State Archives. New York (Colony). Council. Dutch colonial administrative correspondence, 1646-1664. Series A1810-78. Volume 12, document 87; Identifier NYSA_A1810-78_V12_87; Letter sent by LaMontagne in 1658 to the regional Governor of Trois-Rivières French Canada, Jacques Leneuf de La Poterie. This seal that enclosed the letter appears to have been an official WIC seal, but perhaps it may give clue to LaMatagne’s Franch ancestry instead. In either case, it’s worth a closer look. ↩︎
20. New York State Archives. New Netherland. Council. Dutch colonial administrative correspondence, 1646-1664. Series A1810. Volume 14. Identifyer, NYSA_A1810-78_V14_0071. ↩︎
21. Leiden Regional Archives; 1622 Poll Tax Census of Leiden. ↩︎
22. Leiden Regional Archives; Church marriage register (NH) of Leiden, September 1626 – August 1633. , archive number 1004 , Baptism, marriage, burial and birth registers Leiden (DTB Leiden), inventory number 10 , page 16 ↩︎
23. Leiden Regional Archives; Marriage register of the Walloon Church of Our Lady (Vrouwekerk) in Leiden, 19 Sept, 1604 – 9 Jan., 1638. ↩︎
24. Leiden Regional Archives; Trouwboek van de Pieterskerk (NH) te Leiden, 1625 – 1630. ↩︎
25. Leiden Regional Archives; Trouwboek van de Hooglandse Kerk (NH) te Leiden, 1625 – 1630. ↩︎
26. Leiden Regional Archives; Baptismal register of the Pieterskerk in Leiden, 1621-1644. ↩︎
27. Leiden Regional Archives; Baptismal register of the Walloon Church of Our Lady (Vrouwekerk), 1627-1646. ↩︎
28. Ibid. ↩︎
29. Leiden Regional Archives; Leiden Notary Document. ↩︎
30. Leiden Regional Archives; Walloon Church of Our Lady (Vrouwekerk) Leiden, Registers of attestation issued to departing members. ↩︎
31. Leiden Regional Archives; Walloon Church of Our Lady (Vrouwekerk) Leiden, Register of members. ↩︎
32. Leiden Regional Archives; Church marriage register (NH) of Leiden, August 1633 – 1637.  Archive number 1004 , Baptism, marriage, burial and birth registers Leiden (DTB Leiden) ,  inventory number 11,  page 38v. ↩︎
33. Leiden Regional Archives; Register van begravenen te Leiden, 1635-1636. [image 290 of 377] ↩︎
34. Request of “Jean de Mo Niet de La Montange” to the Amsterdam Chamber of the West-Indische Compagnie, 1635-1636 (image 355 of 443); request of LaMontagne for 100 morgen of land in New Netherland ↩︎
35. New York State Archives. New York (Colony). Council. Dutch colonial council minutes, 1638-1665. Series A1809-78. Volume 4, page 18, Identifier NYSA_A1809-78_V04_p001; “Doctoor Johan [nes la Montagnie]” appointed to council. ↩︎
36. New York State Archives. New York (Colony). Council. Dutch colonial council minutes, 1638-1665. Series A1809-78. Volume 4, page 18; Identifier NYSA_A1809-78_V04_p018. ↩︎
37. New York State Archives. New York (Colony). Council. Dutch colonial council minutes, 1638-1665. Series A1809-78. Volume 4, page 19; Identifier NYSA_A1809-78_V04_p019. ↩︎
38. New York State Archives. New Netherland. Council. Dutch colonial patents and deeds, 1630-1664. Series A1880. Volume GG; Identifier NYSA_A1880-78_VGG_0031; Deed of Cornelis van Tienhoven to Coenraat van Ceulen; 22 Aug., 1639; “Johannes la Montaenje” ↩︎
39. New York State Archives. New York (Colony). Secretary of the Province. Register of the Provincial Secretary, 1642-1660. Series A0270-78. Volume 2, document 32a – 32b-c, side 2; Identifier NYSA_A0270-78_V2_032b ↩︎
40. New York State Archives. New Netherland. Council. Dutch colonial patents and deeds, 1630-1664. Series A1880. Volume GG; Identifier NYSA_A1880-78_VGG_0100; patent for Cornelis van Tienhoven; July, 1645; “La Montangie”. ↩︎
41. Leiden Regional Archives; 0518 Inventory of the archives of the Orphanage in Leiden, (1343) 1397-1860 (1866) ↩︎
42. New York State Archives. New Netherland. Council. Dutch colonial patents and deeds, 1630-1664. Series A1880. Volume GG. Identifier NYSA_A1880-78_VGG_0171. ↩︎
43. New York State Archives. New Netherland. Council. Dutch colonial patents and deeds, 1630-1664. Series A1880. Volume GG; Identifier NYSA_A1880-78_VGG_0216a; Patent of Johannes la Montagne for land on Manhattan Island (Harlem); New Netherland Council, Dutch colonial patents and deeds: May 9 1647. ↩︎
44. New York State Archives. New York (Colony). Council. Dutch colonial administrative correspondence, 1646-1664. Series A1810-78. Volume 11, document 54; Identifier NYSA_A1810-78_V11_54; Letter from the directors in Amsterdam to Petrus Stuyvesant, April 4, 1652, page 26 of 28; “johan dela montagnie” ↩︎
45. New York State Archives. New York (Colony). Council. Dutch colonial administrative correspondence, 1646-1664. Series A1810-78. Volume 11, document 53; Identifier NYSA_A1810-78_V11_53; Letter from the directors in Amsterdam to Petrus Stuyvesant, April 4, 1652, page 11 of 24; “Jan de la Montangnie”. ↩︎
46. New York State Archives. New York (Colony). Council. Dutch colonial administrative correspondence, 1646-1664. Series A1810-78. Volume 11, document 53; Identifier NYSA_A1810-78_V11_53; Letter from the directors in Amsterdam to Petrus Stuyvesant, April 4, 1652, page 22 of 24; “Johan de la Montangnie” ↩︎
47. New York State Archives. New Netherland. Council. Dutch colonial council minutes, 1638-1665. Series A1809. Volume 5; Identifier NYSA_A1809-78_V05_0095b. Order. To Cornelis van Tienhoven to pay Jan Momie de la Montagne his wages. ↩︎
48. Leiden Regional Archives; 0518 Inventory of the archives of the Orphanage in Leiden, (1343) 1397-1860 (1866). ↩︎
49. New York State Archives. New Netherland. Council. Dutch colonial administrative correspondence, 1646-1664. Series A1810. Volume 13; Identifier NYSA_A1810-78_V13_0041a; Spelling of “Lamontangie” by Ensign Smith in a letter to Lamontagne at Fort Orange, September 29 1659. ↩︎
50. New York State Archives. New Netherland. Council. Dutch colonial administrative correspondence, 1646-1664. Series A1810. Volume 13; Identifier NYSA_A1810-78_V13_0048; From letter of LaMontagne to Ensign Smith Oct. 21, 1659; letter perhaps a duplicate written in hand of secretary at Fort Orange(?). ↩︎
51. Court Minutes of New Amsterdam, vol. 4; Oct. 20, 1664; “H^r Joannes dela Montagne Senior” ↩︎
52. Court Minutes of New Amsterdam, vol.4; Jan. 31, 1665; “Joannes Monjeer de la Montagne Senior” ↩︎
53. Leiden Regional Archives; Leiden Orphans Court for children of “Jan Monier de La Montagne” ↩︎
54. Leiden Regional Archives; Bronvermelding Eerste Register, fol. 351-499, bon over ‘t Hof., archiefnummer 0501A, ~Stukken betreffende afzonderlijke onderwerpen; Registratie van onroerend goed 1585-1816 (1819), inventarisnummer 6613, blad 438a. ↩︎